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Bécat, Paul-Emile 1885-1960
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Bécat, Paul-Emile [WorldCat Identities]
Oorspronkelijke titel: 'Tantra' Vertaald door R. Inhoud: 1. Illustraties met verklarende bijschriften. Ritueel en eredienst. Seksualiteit en werkelijkheid. Dood en vuur. Kosmische diagrammen. Het astrale lichaam. De weg tot eenheid. Size: 28cmx20cm. Published by Atrio, Lisboa About this Item: Atrio, Lisboa, Published by Kaiserin Magazine, Belgium About this Item: Kaiserin Magazine, Belgium, Condition: Near Fine. A near fine copy of this issue. The text is wholly unmarked, pristine, and the binding is bright and fresh in appearance, with no creasing to the spine, with publisher-affixed barcode label to base of rear cover panel.
A delicious copy. Published by Verlag P.
The Sex of Science: Medicine, Naturalism, and Feminism in Lucie Delarue-Mardrus's Marie, Fille-Mere
From: Paderbuch e. Ralf R. About this Item: Verlag P.
Condition: good. Grundner, Robert Photos illustrator. Verlag P. Gebunden ohne Schutzumschlag, unpaginiert, mit farbigen Abbildungen. Published by Collection nuit About this Item: Collection nuit, Etat correct. Published by Payot, Paris About this Item: Payot, Paris, First Edition.
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Paperback as issued. Very near fine in printed wraps--quite nice. No previous owner's markings. The paper is old and some pages need to be cut. Condition: Bien. Dedicado por el Autor es. Published by Gallimard From: ShepherdsBook Yvonand, Switzerland. About this Item: Gallimard, Couverture rigide. Published by Festival Images, Vevey About this Item: Festival Images, Vevey, From: Okmhistoire Montrouge, France.
About this Item: Arfon. Condition: Comme neuf. Paris , Piver, Rosine. Une exploration des cinq rythmes fondamentaux de la vie. Pour plus d'information voir ou imprimer image 2.
- Bécat, Paul-Emile 1885-1960.
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Published by Classiques Garnier, Paris From: Classiques Garnier Paris, France. Following this, a sketch is provided of the poverty of leisure time confronting women.
This is then explained through an in-depth analysis of both unpaid domestic work and community work. However, since the s, there has been an international feminist campaign to recognize unpaid work grounded in the view that the ways in which such work is measured and valued have significant implications for women and impact heavily on social policy-making Chadeau and Fouquet, ; Luxton, Indeed, this campaign has met with considerable success.
Although such accounts remain subsidiary, it is clear that they represent a step in the right direction. The way in which they will take on board such recommendations is by using time-budget studies Roy, A time-budget study is a technique for data collection where respondents complete diaries chronicling the number of minutes spent on a range of activities.
From these, it is possible to calculate the time spent on unpaid work and, for that matter, leisure. Indeed, it is now widely accepted that measuring time use is as useful and accurate in assessing unpaid work as money is in measuring paid employment. The importance of these large-scale surveys, therefore, is that they provide solid statistical evidence that the family has not lost its productive functions under capitalism. For example, the French time-budget study revealed that unpaid work occupied an average of thirty-one hours per person per week whereas professional work occupied only twenty-eight.
In other words, unpaid work occupied 52 per cent of total work time for that year Chadeau and Fouquet, By , moreover, unpaid work had risen to occupy 55 per cent of total working time, suggesting that in terms of its role in production, the household was becoming more important rather than less Roy, There is no reason to think that this pattern has undergone any significant change in the s. Nevertheless, many of these time-budget studies may well be underestimating the time spent on unpaid work compared with employment.
On the one hand, this is because the time spent in employment may be overestimated since the total time engaged in employment is usually counted when much of this time may include meal and coffee breaks, associated travel, as well as socializing. On the other hand, this is because the time spent in unpaid work may be underestimated.
Whilst time-budget studies can capture the practical aspects of this caregiving work, they cannot capture its emotional and affective side, which is either ignored completely, or indeed, can be portrayed as leisure and socializing. These other techniques include survey questions and indepth interviews. They also include participant observation where researchers spend lengthy periods in households helping out and observing the labour process so as to compare what people say they do with what is actually done as well as understanding the configuration of the emotional work involved in the unpaid sphere Luxton, Indeed, some have argued that the ideal is to combine all four methods — survey questions, time use, in-depth interviews and participant observation if unpaid work and leisure are to be more fully understood Peters, Leisure Time As Table 2.
Full-time employed men, for instance, had Part-time employed men, meanwhile, had To explain this lack of leisure time of women relative to men, whatever their employment status, one must examine their unpaid work commitments in greater detail. As Table 2. In other words, women employed full-time are working the longest total hours of any group.
On the basis of this time-budget data, we can calculate that a shift from no employment to 40 hours of employment per week resulted in a reduction in domestic work time of only That is, for each extra hour of paid employment, full-time employed women were doing about 18 minutes less domestic work. Getting a job thus meant a substantial rise in their total paid plus unpaid work time and a substantial reduction in their leisure time.
To explain why this is the case, first the gender division of unpaid domestic work will be examined and then the gender divisions of unpaid community work. The activities usually associated with domestic work are to be found in all societies with women being assigned to similar types of tasks in all contexts. However, although in pre-capitalist societies a strict gender division of tasks may have existed, productive and reproductive tasks were not separated in time and space.
Here, therefore, we examine the extent and nature of domestic labour in couple-based households, the subject upon which most of the emphasis has been placed in the research on this form of work for a discussion of such work in single-person households, see Gregory and Windebank This was part of a much wider debate at a time when society was becoming more middle class, and it was assumed that what the middle classes were currently doing would be replicated later by the working class.
Here, with the fortune of historical hindsight, we examine whether such a shift towards more egalitarian marriage relationships has indeed taken place in France. To do this, we examine first the amount of domestic work undertaken by men and women in France and, second, the types of domestic tasks that they perform and third, the division of responsibilities for such work. These data, nevertheless, are a snapshot of one particular period. They provide no clue as to whether there is an increasingly symmetrical egalitarian arrangement emerging over time.
The important point of this data is perhaps the fact that so few French men claim to engage in domestic work of a routine nature. On the basis of this evidence, therefore, it would seem that routine domestic work is predominantly undertaken by women, even in dualearner households. Who, therefore, retains overall responsibility for domestic work and who helps out?
Related LInitiation sexuelle de Marie: érotique (French Edition)
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